By Munashe Evans Tembo

The 113 human rights violations recorded in November 2025 are not just a snapshot of abuse; they offer a revealing lens into Zimbabwe’s current political and governance environment, where coercion, partisan control of resources, and shrinking civic space continue to shape everyday life.

According to the Zimbabwe Peace Project’s (ZPP) Monthly Monitoring Report, the violations affected 6,284 people, the majority of them women. While the figure is broadly consistent with patterns documented in recent months, the nature and spread of violations point to an entrenched system of political control rather than isolated excesses, raising questions about the trajectory of human rights protection as the country moves further away from the 2023 elections but remains locked in a permanent campaign mode.

Although the report does not indicate a dramatic numerical spike compared to previous months, it highlights a shift in the form of violations rather than a reduction in severity. Overt election-period violence appears to have given way to everyday coercion, particularly through economic pressure, manipulation of aid and politicisation of local governance structures.

Restrictions on freedom of assembly and association emerged as the most prevalent violation, with 29 incidents recorded nationwide. This trend suggests a political environment increasingly intolerant of independent civic activity, even when it is non-electoral in nature, such as community budget consultations, funerals or youth meetings.

ZPP notes that citizens are routinely compelled to demonstrate political loyalty in exchange for access to agricultural inputs, food aid, school supplies or trading space, effectively converting socio-economic rights into tools of political compliance.

The perpetrator profile reinforces concerns about the partisan capture of authority. ZANU PF leadership and supporters together accounted for more than half of all recorded violations, while local authorities and traditional leaders—institutions constitutionally required to act impartially—collectively accounted for over 23%.

This pattern indicates that violations are increasingly embedded within governance systems, rather than being carried out solely by rogue actors. While the report records a notable decline in violations attributed to the Zimbabwe Republic Police, from over 15% in previous months to 1.8%, ZPP cautions that this does not necessarily translate into improved protection of rights.

Instead, it may point to a strategic displacement of enforcement, where coercion is delegated to political structures, traditional leaders and informal party networks, reducing direct state visibility while achieving similar outcomes.r

The 14 politically motivated assaults documented in November underscore that physical violence remains a tool of intimidation, particularly against opposition supporters. However, the report suggests that fear now travels faster than violence itself, amplified by public humiliation, forced denunciations and selective punishment.

Incidents in Gokwe, Epworth, Mutoko and Chitungwiza demonstrate how violence and threats are used symbolically—to warn communities of the cost of dissent—rather than indiscriminately. This creates what ZPP describes as a self-regulating environment of fear, where citizens curtail their own freedoms to avoid retaliation.

Perhaps the most telling indicator of institutional weakness was the forced eviction of over 7,000 people in Mt Hampden, carried out despite the existence of a High Court order meant to regulate the process.

The speed and brutality of the evictions—families given less than an hour to vacate before demolitions—highlight a persistent gap between legal safeguards and their enforcement. While the establishment of an Inter-Ministerial Committee on illegal settlements signals policy awareness, the report argues that reactive responses cannot substitute for rights-based planning, particularly where vulnerable populations are concerned.

The relocation of families to Nyabira without water or sanitation further illustrates how displacement often results in secondary rights violations, compounding rather than resolving humanitarian risk.

Women accounted for more than half of all victims, reflecting both their economic vulnerability and their central role in household survival strategies. The report acknowledges encouraging national initiatives around women’s participation in peacebuilding and leadership, particularly those linked to UNSCR 1325 and the 16 Days of Activism.

However, it also warns that under-reporting of gender-based violence, coupled with the rise of technology-facilitated abuse, continues to silence women and limit their civic engagement. Without stronger reporting mechanisms and digital accountability, gains in policy risk being undermined in practice.

Taken together, the November findings suggest that Zimbabwe’s human rights challenge is less about the absence of laws and more about the normalisation of their violation.

ZPP argues that improving the situation will require:

• Depoliticising access to social and economic resources, particularly food aid and agricultural programmes
  • Strengthening accountability of local authorities and traditional leaders, who increasingly act as gatekeepers of rights
  • Ensuring lawful conduct in evictions, with meaningful notice, consultation and provision of basic services
  • Protecting civic space beyond election periods, recognising that democracy is exercised daily, not episodically

  Without these reforms, the report warns, violations are likely to remain predictable, localised and recurrent, eroding public trust and deepening inequality.

  As Zimbabwe enters another year outside the electoral spotlight, November’s data sends a clear message: the struggle for human rights has moved from the ballot box to the breadline, the village meeting and the home—and it is there that accountability must now be demanded.